During the struggle against the Qajar tyranny, struggling leaders went to the Shah Abdul Azim Shrine to hold a sit-in against the Shah Mosque Case and foot whipping of Tehran sugar merchants. The demonstrators in Paragraph 4 of their demands, as mentioned by Nazem al-Islam Kermani, the initial demands of refugees, called for the establishment of a justice system. According to this report, and many other evidences, justice, always has been a lasting and permanent matter for the Iranian society. Recent surveys show that justice should still be considered as one of the main demands of the Iranian society. The debate about justice and social movements is constantly changing, and thinkers in this area are constantly revising their ideas. The aim of this study is to elaborate these changes and to discuss the place of justice in new social movements that refers to a range of collective actions with purpose of changing in one or all of the institutions. The emergence of new social movements brought about new ways of expressing demands and protests, and a wide range of collective behavior forms, which, in terms of goals, nature and method of struggle, had a fundamental difference with earlier movements. In fact, with the advent of modernity, the calculations of traditional society were collapsed and, with the advent of postmodernity, new demands were created largely due to development of higher education and autonomy of individuals. Accordingly, new social movements emerged in a broader context of discourses, subcultures, ideological straggle, and identity diversity, and were spread in the form of new discourses.

Encyclopedia of new religious movements edited by Peter B. Clarke provides a truly engaging and authentic view of the emerging religious movements on a background of the universe. This encyclopedia, containing 428 articles from leading academics, studies the remarkable examples of religious movements emerging in each continent. Clarke as an editor has written a higher income as "New Religions as a global phenomenon", a "Resource guide of NRM" and a useful article entitled "Typology of new religions" in this encyclopedia. This encyclopedia is a leading, research, updating, important, and valuable reference for academic libraries. However, the encyclopedia suffers from some disadvantages, among which we can refer to apparent contradictions in Index, the incidence of historical errors, print, etc., in its context and putting NRM identified with the Cults, sects, and counter-culture groups

Introduction: Arbitration has a contractual nature and is subject to the sovereignty of the will of the parties, but in some cases, the legislator imposed the referral of claims to arbitration on the will of the parties and caused the contractual nature of the arbitration clause to disappear or be limited. By doing this, he has placed the arbitration outside the will of the parties. This issue causes some moral conflicts in the discussion of compulsory arbitration. Therefore, this research has been done with the purpose of examining the position of compulsory arbitration in Iran's legal system and the ethical challenges in it with a descriptive-analytical approach. Material and Methods: The research was a review method, in order to achieve the goal of the research, in addition to electronic education books and virtual education in this field, articles related to the research keywords from 2004 to 2022 from the databases of Civilica, Magiran, Sid, Researchgate, Science direct, was reviewed Conclusion: Based on the findings of the research, it can be concluded that compulsory arbitration in Iran has ethical challenges in the field of implementation and interpretation, the most important of which is the issue of the right to action and judicial justice. In the context of ambiguities in mandatory arbitration, even if the method of arbitration becomes ambiguous, the arbitrator has the duty to find out the will of the legislator with the principles and rules of interpretation, which creates a moral conflict for the arbitrator.

Spatial justice is mentioned as a critical discourse that aims to eliminate discrimination, reduce poverty, social segregation and domination. This conceptualization of spatial justice in the city requires the knowledge of power players in different social and political arenas and the analysis of power relations, structures and productive processes of urban space. The issue of achieving spatial justice in the distribution of urban public facilities has been greatly developed in the literature and research of the world. The importance of discussing spatial justice when there is no match between the population and urban public services or when low income is combined with income poverty caused by less access to goods and services provided by the public sector and leads to the backwardness of the areas. Fair distribution of facilities in the city will increase the quality of life in the city in the short term and will bring sustainable development in the long term. One of the most important signs of spatial justice in cities is the balanced spatial distribution of urban services. Unfair distribution of urban services can not only lead to disrupting the population balance in the city, but also shapes the city atmosphere in a socially and economically unfair way. The goal of spatial justice is the fair distribution of urban facilities, facilities and services among different neighborhoods and areas of the city, taking into account the basic needs; So that no neighborhood or region has significant spatial superiority over another region or neighborhood in terms of having valuable resources and the principle of equal access for all is respected. In addition, there should not be much difference in per capita wealth according to the population in the city areas. In fact, the distribution of services and facilities and their quality are inseparably linked with social welfare and they cannot be separated from marginal issues such as citizens' inequality and personal freedoms. It should be noted that even the most beautiful places and the best of them in terms of accessibility and life situation, if they are faced with the lack or weakness of access to resources and facilities, they cannot be enjoyable and useful for the well-being of the residents. In Afghanistan, with the establishment of the new government, equality of interests and geographical justice have always been important, and cities have been the place of protests as a symbol of civility, which has led to the formation of movements in the capital city of Kabul. With the two main streams of civil protest, i.e. the Tabsem movement following the killing of a teenage girl due to ethnicity and religion, as well as the insecurity of the roads leading to the capital, and the lighting movement due to the change in the transmission of the electricity network from the route of Bamyan province, for the first time by the Hazara ethnic group, civil steps were taken in the city. The cable was formed. These movements were formed by young and educated leaders and intellectuals of the ethnic community and political figures. The movement of these movements was from the west of Kabul city by the socially deprived class towards the presidential palace, who stood up to sue for the violated right. In the city of Kabul, the shrine of the martyr Ustad Mazari, as a point of unity and decision-making, streets and squares have been urban elements intensifying the movements to protest against the government. The main question of the article is whether civil movements in the city of Kabul with an ethnic background are a reaction to the spatial injustice in the distribution of urban services?Spatial justice refers to the spatial or geographical aspects of justice and injustice. Locational discrimination created through prejudices imposed on certain populations due to their geographic location is effective in producing spatial injustice or persistent spatial structures of fundamental privilege and advantage. Three familiar forces that shape spatial and spatial discrimination are class, race, and gender. Geographically heterogeneous development and underdevelopment provide another framework for interpreting the processes that create injustice, in the contemporary world justice is seen as more concrete and reasoned alternatives than other alternatives, and as a symbolic force that effectively works against class, racial, and gender divides to Strengthen collective political awareness and gain a sense of solidarity based on shared experience.Spatial injustice caused by voluntary factors (urban management and policy-making system) and involuntary factors provides the isolation of urban areas and, consequently, citizens; In such a way that the inability to participate effectively in social, economic and cultural life will result in disconnection and distance from the mainstream of society. This isolation causes a sequence of social deprivation. Ignoring and neglecting recognition and lack of attention to control and social isolation is the basis for the separation of deprived groups from social assets and their staying away from benefits, opportunities and power; This is an enemy of freedom and justice. This makes the underprivileged groups, who live in denser areas of the city, to be recognized as a disruptive force in the process of sustainable development of the city in the face of the mainstream society. Violent and oppositional groups grow in the light of such conditions. The soft violence of actions by the political management of the urban space against the underprivileged and underprivileged groups creates and increases the social gap and spatial faults in a part of the society, the definite consequence of which is the organization of losers and violent entitlement (hard violence) in the form of social anomalies and annoying crimes in society will be Therefore, by setting the point that social participation and absorption and presence in the mainstream of society is the inalienable right of citizens in the contemporary world, and the creation of spatial faults and social isolation is considered as an example of soft violence and violation of the civil rights and inalienable interests of citizens.Therefore, the most important mission of urban planners and managers in this direction is to try to achieve the ideal of "equal opportunities" in the access of different groups of the urban society to urban services and to eliminate the conflict in providing educational, health, service opportunities and the like. In this regard, compliance with the principle of equality and equal access to bio-urban opportunities is one of the basic priorities.In Afghanistan, unfortunately, the procedure is based on inequality based on ethnic and religious criteria. Killings, deportations and forced resettlement in unfavorable areas, economic pressures, usurpation of land and pastures, and receiving heavy taxes are examples of the historical past of the Hazara ethnic class in Afghanistan. In the past history of this people, whenever the conditions were favorable, popular uprisings were formed to claim the lost rights. Inequality in access to opportunities leads to power asymmetries where a few with authority control social conditions without considering the opinions of others. Regionalism at the national level has led to regionalism in the geography of Kabul city. Apart from the geographical dimension, this regionalism has caused the formation of regionalism in the political geography of the city.According to the history and geographical situation of the country and the settlement of ethnic groups in the context of the geographical and urban space of Kabul, the application of political and economic pressures, deprivation, destruction and erasure of the Hazara ethnic class have always been ongoing. Political, cultural and people's movements that were hurt more than other ethnic groups were able to mark a new page in the history of this country and this ethnic group launched urban movements with a national aspect against the ruling system to eliminate discrimination in the new era.The domestic and global consequences of Kabul movements can be expressed as follows: The occurrence of the first peaceful demonstration in an insecure and crisis-ridden country in the history of this country The meeting of the negotiating delegations of the government with the supreme council of the movement Self-belief, self-confidence and dignity of the millennial society Changing the position of the inferior to superior society in the country after a long history The national consensus of the educated and intellectual class of the country A new image of the structure of the Hazara society and its reflection in the geographical space of the country Historical registration and naming of Dehmezang Square (the victims of the demonstrations) after the martyrs of light The attention of the international community, especially the United Nations, to the formation of two urban movements in Kabul The meeting of the ambassadors of the four great powers with the supreme council of the movement The pressures of the international community on the current government Sending three high-level delegations headed by the Hazare tribe to three world conferences in the unprecedented history of this country The attention of the international community to the recognition and political position of the Hazara peopleThe formation of the World Millennium Council in 2013

Background and objective: Over the last few decades, social movements have raised variety forms of collective behavior, which is in terms of objectives, nature and method of campaign totally different from classic movements. The new approach is concentrated on such a type of power which is described by Steven Lukes as “Third dimension of power”. The power has a different and new nature based on mentality processing and satisfaction. The type of vast cultural and social changes taken place in Iran, especially in megapolises. Meanwhile, expansion of communications has provided proper circumstances for formation of movements like this. The present research aims at identifying aspects of these movements and surveying the level of their tendency toward soft power. The basic question raised here is: “To what extent is the level of social movements approach oriented toward third power (soft power)?”Material: The research is of descriptive-survey type. A questionnaire based on Likert scale was used for collecting data from 72 commanders and managers who have had close relationship with social movements, in terms of its relevance with their professions. The samples were randomly selected in clusters.Findings: The research findings indicated that over the last few decades in Iran, social movements have had tendency toward third power (soft power). The movements have been oriented toward becoming cultural, value-based, satisfactory and avoiding violence. They have basically used some specific tools such as media, art, symbolism, etc. for displaying their objectives, and campaign. Therefore, their control and management should be fulfilled while taking into consideration these realities.

New Social Movements: A Case Study of Emerging Environmental Movements Abstract The term modern social movements is used to describe movements that were active in France in the late 1960s through collective action in the social sphere. The most important new social movements are the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the peace movement and the environmental movement. The rapid growth of industrial and capitalist societies, regardless of environmental degradation, has created many problems. The most important problems are soil erosion, resource reduction, ozone depletion, greenhouse effects, extinction of animal and plant species and various types of soil and climate pollution. The combination of these factors has provided the basis for the formation and activation of environmental movements. The present paper tries to answer the question of how emerging environmental movements can be analyzed in the form of new social movements? And what are their effects on new social movements? Therefore, with the qualitative interpretive method, and the method of case studies, it examines the nature and why of emerging environmental movements. The research findings show that environmental crises and the need to solve environmental problems that have become a pervasive and global crisis, have provided the basis for the formation, activity and impact of emerging environmental movements. Therefore, in order to deal with the existing crises, emerging environmental movements first informed and increased public awareness, and then created pro-environmental organizations and groups, and finally, by entering In the field of politics, and using new tools and methods, they have expressed their demands and protests in a peaceful and non-violent way, in order to force governments to respond and finally enter directly into The field of politics as influential groups and political parties in the field of public policy. As a result, the volume and scope of social power and the political influence of emerging environmental movements have led to the revitalization and enrichment of new social movements; in a way that today they can be identified and analyzed as powerful social forces and influential actors in the field of political sociology. Keywords: New Social Movements, Emerging Environmental Movements, Social Forces, Methods of Action, Political Nature.

AbstractIn recent years we have witnessed kinds of collective actions that have intensely represented characteristics of new social movements (such as weak organization, lack of leadership, and non-ideological orientation), called bio-movement and non-movement. What is the nature of such activism and its effects on democratic transformation? As a response, the paper hypothesizes that social bio-movement and non-movements can be considered micro-politics of resistance which might facilitate the democratic transformation (whether democratization or democracy). But their definite and permanent effect takes place by gradually imposing their demands on the ruling bio-political relations. To justify the hypothesis, the paper takes advantage of a combinative framework constituted of some conceptions in the late socio-political theories (postmodern and late modern theories). Three elements of this conceptual apparatus are “life politics” (Anthony Giddens), Rhizome theory (Gilles Deleuze), and the duality of “democratic and popular demands” (Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe). The finding implies the fact that although democratic transformation entails moving from the passive action of self-expressivism (resisting institutional rigidity) to the active action of creating a collective narration (mutating from passive solidarity into a counter-hegemonic movement), bio-movements and non-movements grounds for a democratic transformation in a long time by direct expressing of their demands. The present paper organizes the library-based data in a descriptive-analytical way.Keywords: Social Non-movements, Bio-movements, Micro-politics, Life Politics, Passive Solidarity, Democracy. 1. IntroductionFrom the late 20th century, we have witnessed the emergence of new social movements, born out of decreasing public trust in the institutional structures of representative systems (parliaments and parties) to represent the diverse demands of contemporary pluralistic societies. Unlike classic social movements, these are spontaneous collective actions without centralized organization or prominent leadership, which have become the basis for protest behaviors. In recent years, due to globalization (especially the expansion of communication technologies), we have seen examples that prominently exhibit these characteristics. Experts have chosen to refer to these movements with new terms such as “non-movements” and “bio-movements”. These terms, on one hand, point to the differences in the components of these actions compared to conventional social movements, and on the other hand, indicate their inevitable classification as “a kind of movement” capable of playing a role in social and political transformations, regardless of the type of political regime (democratic, semi-democratic, authoritarian). The importance of such research lies in its ability to assess the global spread of these types of movements and their implications for political processes, beyond case studies of the failed experiences.  2. Materials and MethodAnalyzing the relationship between non-movements, life movements, and democratic transformation requires a conceptual framework that encompasses the nature, style of action, and agency of this type of collective action. - Life Politics: Micro-politics of Resistance against GovernmentalityConsidering Michel Foucault’s notion that “where there is power, there is resistance” and its political expansion by Laclau and Mouffe (redefining the political as the sphere of social conflicts over creating hegemony for desired norms), new social movements can be seen as the actions of the “others” of hegemonic discourse and the dominant order. According to Anthony Giddens, these actions are not framed within “emancipatory politics” but rather as “life politics,” which seek to pursue their own meaning of life, setting aside the grand emancipatory ideals of ideologies.- Rhizomatic Structure, Fluidity, and FacelessnessThese collective actions exemplify Gilles Deleuze’s concept of “rhizomatic” thinking. Unlike tree-like thinking, which involves linear, vertical, and hierarchical connections, rhizomatic thinking suggests horizontal, multiple, and holistic interactions. Similarly, rhizomatic actions reflect a non-centralized movement that is everywhere and nowhere at the same time. These actions are in a state of constant “becoming,” resembling a nomadic existence that doesn’t align with limitation and stagnation.- Democratic and Popular DemandsThe mechanism of agency in this type of action can be explained through Ernesto Laclau’s concept of “demand,” ranging from requests to claims. When the logic of equivalence among diverse and separate demands emerges, two types of demands resonate in society simultaneously: distinct demands under the “logic of difference,” termed “democratic demands,” and a multitude of demands under the “logic of equivalence,” forming a broader social subjectivity known as “popular demands,” which gradually shape the people as a historical actor. 3. Discussion The micro-politics of social non-movements have emerged in a context described by terms like postmodernity and globalization. The collapse of meta-narratives, the proliferation of little-narratives, de-ideologization, individualization, and free communication in a networked society characterize this era. In such an environment, the dominance of technocracy and bureaucracy over the participatory nature of representative democracies has led to the discrediting of the representative system and the emergence of micro-politics as a new form of political action. This new form embodies life politics, expressive political belief, and direct action.The term “social non-movements,” which are bio-movements, refers to passive networks of micro-political resistance. This type of action represents the politics of presence as a silent struggle, direct action of spontaneous passive networks in everyday life, and bio-political resistance of the marginalized.The impact of this type of action on transformation within the “institutional structure” depends on variables such as the mutation from non-movement to movement, the structure of political opportunities, and how actors interact with institutional politics. However, this does not negate the “trickle-down effects” of the micro-political actions of non-movements and social life movements. These actions act as new agents of democratization, recognizing the loopholes for action and representing the power of the multitude.The theory of social non-movement explains how a passive group of people becomes active citizens (a social movement) attempting to overthrow the dominant regime through confrontational politics. This theory highlights that real struggle (even silent and individual) has always been ongoing among many people. In other words, social mobilization has been forming beforehand and only becomes organized opposition politics during suitable political opportunities (such as internal conflicts, crises, international pressure, wars, etc.). 4. ConclusionDemocratic transformation requires reviewing the successes and failures in confronting authoritarianism and studying various forms of collective action in the present era. The transition from protest to democratic order can take multiple paths: from classic revolutionary and reformist movements focused on macro-politics (government institutions) to new social movements centered on micro-politics (defending identity and life against the norms and systems of political life). Thus, all possible scenarios of societal transformation cannot be reduced to a binary of classic reformist or revolutionary action, thereby neutralizing political imagination.Considering the distinction between “the political” (the conflict of discourses over creating hegemony for norms) and “politics” (the institutionalization of a norm resulting from the temporary hegemony of a discourse), the direct, spontaneous, dispersed, and non-ideological actions of bio-movements and social non-movements can be effective because they aim to transcend structural rigidity. In democratic systems, such actions serve as opportunities to make technocratic-bureaucratic liberal democracies more participatory. In authoritarian regimes, the emphasis on self-chosen norms acts as micro-resistance actions that gradually contribute to democratization, especially considering that in the absence of organized civil society (due to governmental dominance), these uncontrolled actions are the only means of social agency.

In recent decades, we have witnessed the emergence of various social movements in Western liberal democracies. These movements have their roots in a crisis of representation, which refers to the gap between citizens' aspirations and decision-making institutions in representative democracies. The aim of the present study is to investigate this crisis and conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics of two dominant types of movements that have emerged in response to this crisis. The main question of the article is to explore the similarities and differences between late social movements in Western liberal democracies. In response, the hypothesis of the article posits that in circumstances where the emergence of new social and populist movements in the West can be viewed in response to the crisis of representation in the institutional structure of Western liberal democracies, these two types of movements differ in terms of ideology, organization, leadership, and perception of an ideal political society. To justify this hypothesis, a combined conceptual framework is employed, consisting of the elements of "politics of identity" and the dualism of pluralism and unity. According to this framework, the common element of late social movements can be identified as an "identity concern" stemming from the elitist structure of liberal democracy. However, due to differences in their interpretation of the "ideal society, " these movements differ in their characteristics and implications for the democratic system. The research method of the article is descriptive-analytical, and data is collected based on the study of library resources and online databases.

Justice is an ideal concept which human beings have always sought since the beginning of civilization. From the viewpoint of most scholars, justice is a virtue and a source to other virtues. Some have even gone so far that they give the same weight to justice as they do to all other virtues.This article reviews justice from the viewpoint of ancient Greek philosophers and recent western ones. It considers economic justice from an Islamic perspective and summarizes it in optimum allocation of resources NO.52, Autumn 2009 6 and facilities, elimination of poverty and financial needs, as well as socioeconomic development. Our constitution considers justice as a major goal and the general policies of Article 44 are aimed to realize this goal.This article also investigates the issue of Justice Stock and provides reasons to prove this programme violates the sacred value of Islamic economic justice. So it is unfair to use the word “justice” for such stocks.

Objective(s): To study the prevalence of Stereotypic Movements (SM) in children. Methods: Using a multistage sampling method, we selected 300 children from 13 day care centers and primary schools in Urmia (Western Azerbaijan Province). Data collection involved parent interviews in the presence of the children. Results: Three hundreds children (167 boys and 133 girls) were included in the study. Nearly 50% (149 out of 300) had one type of SM. The prevalence of different type of stereotypic movements were as follows: bruxism 16%, head banging 13%, hair pulling 8%, nail biting 7% and thumb sucking 6%; each of the affected subjects had only one type of SM .There were not any significant relationships between sex and various SM varieties- except for head banging, which was more common in boys (P<0.001). There were no significant associations between parents’ education or occupation and the presence of any type of SM (P> 0.05).Conclusion: The prevalence of Stereotypic Movements is high in children. To confirm the findings more comprehensive studies are recommended.